Alexander Carmichael’s ‘Carmina Gadelica’ has had a massive influence on the popular perception of religious practices within Celtic-specking communities and has been, in fact, the very building blocking in the notion of an existing, unified faith which has been termed as ‘Celtic Christianity’ within the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. A fabricated, superficial concept or “package” which long plagued the minds of Celtic scholars and “celticists” through the age of the Celtic Revival has in recent years been revised and discredited under the umbrella of “Celtic Christianity”. How did Carmichael shape these simple hymns and prayers he collected from the Gaelic communities of Scotland and turn the Gael into the “Celt”? The fashionable term ‘Celt’ and ‘Celtic’ was a romantic image that fascinated the minds of 19th century Britain and Carmichael was too, keen to tide this wave of Celtic Revival. He wove a fantastical conception of the Highlander that practiced a Christian-based, pagan-friendly faith under the disguise of “Celtic Christianity’ which under a close eye is unrecognisable to the old Celtic church during the 7th and 8th centuries. However, one has to understand that it was just the Celtic revival of popular interests of a Celtic Fringe during his time as to how he presented the ‘Carmina’ but also his lack of understanding regarding Gaelic culture and beliefs. 

Alexander Carmichael’s intentions for gathering the spiritual material from the Gaelic communities of the Western Highlands and Isles, published in his famous Carmina Gadelica which set to fashion the Gael as the “Celt” and prove the existence of ‘Celtic Christianity’ in Gaelic Scottish communities through his material. During the 19th century, Scotland was experiencing a more general Celtic revival[i]  and with Celtic studies was still in its infancy, Carmichael was no doubt set out to impress Celtic scholars and those interested in the more romantic ideas of Celtic literature and culture. Much like that MacPherson was crafting the “Celt” from the Gael though his Ossianic poems, Carmichael was also with his Hebridean Hymns and prayers he had collected. Carmichael heavily shrouded the Highlanders with an air of romantic representation, who’s religious practices shared a unity amongst the Celtic nations: 

“Perhaps no people had a fuller ritual of song and story, of secular rite and religious ceremony, than the Highlanders. Mirth and music, song and dance, tale and poem, pervaded their lives, as electricity pervades the air. Religion, pagan or Christian, or both combined, permeated everything–blending and shading into one another like the iridescent colours of the rainbow. The people were sympathetic and synthetic, unable to see and careless to know where the secular began and the religious ended–an admirable union of elements in life for those who have lived it so truly and intensely as the Celtic races everywhere has done and none more truly or more intensely than the ill-understood and so-called illiterate Highlanders of Scotland[ii].”

In this passage taken from his ‘Introduction’ of the Carmina, Carmichael is presenting the material from a people whose beliefs lay betwixt the pagan and Christian, and a secular and contemporary religion to make implications towards a type of Christianity, practiced only by the Celtic nations. He further endorses the idea of ‘Celtic Christianity’ by implying that the material he had collected was passed down from the time of the old Celtic church:

“Some of the hymns may have been composed within the cloistered cells of Derry and Iona, and some of the incantations among the cromlechs of Stonehenge and the standing-stones of Callarnis[iii] ”

Other Celtic writers enthused Carmichael’s imagery of the “Celts” and the Hebridean function which implied that the religion of the Gaels was an international one, a concept of “sea-united beliefs” shared between Scotland and Ireland[iv]. The Carmina provided the building blocks of the supposed contemporary and religious movement that we now call “Celtic Christianity” today[v]. 

As much as this concept was very appealing to his readers, or other ‘Celticists’, However, ‘Celtic Christianity’ or the “spiritual celt” that Carmichael was presenting was merely a reconstructed package and deceived his readers due to the discrepancy between his original recorded material of the Carmina and the printed forms[vi] . The folklorist: Hamish Henderson assessed the Carmina and concluded that Carmichael’s material was “consistent, large-scale fabrication”. The charms and Incantations were ‘incomplete’ from what he originally collected, lines shortened or lengthened, new lines added, or verses would be switched around according to his own form of “editing”[vii]. An editorial practice which seems was quite common amongst tradition and folklore collectors during Carmichael’s time since the publishing of MacPhersons ‘Ossian’, and in fact, due to this, he has been reputedly classed as the second MacPherson by Celtic scholars today. 

EXAMPLE:

William McKenzie’ version:

“St.Briget, The daughter of Doughall Donn,

Son of Hugh, son of Art, Son of Conn,

Each day and each night,

I will mediate on the genealogy of St. Bridget”

Carmichael’s Version:

“The genealogy of the holy maiden Bride,

Radiant Flame of gold, noble foster-mother of Christ.

Bride the daughter of Dugall the brown,

Son of Aodh, son of Art, son of Conn,

Son of Crearar, son of Cis, son of Carmac, son of Carruin.

Every day and every night,

That I say the genealogy,”

D.U. Stiùbhart argues that the Gaelic material which Carmichael had collected from the natives of the Hebrides were, much like today, used in times of great difficulty or disasters experienced in the harsh environment in which they lived, and took consolation in their prayers as means to ward off potential harm[viii] . Furthermore, it seems more likely the beliefs reflected in the charms and prayers Carmichael had collected were of an animistic nature rather than the united ‘Celtic Christianity’ understood only outside of the Hebrides in the Lowlands. Donald E. Meek (‘The Quest for Celtic Christianity’, 2000) classified the material in the Carmina as being more “folk religion”, a blending folk belief, saints-pagan, and Christian and not to be confused with connections with the old Celtic church. Furthermore, Stiùbhart points how that these traditions were practiced in both catholic and protestant communities, and states that: 

“Gaelic Material gathered by Carmichael was manipulated in such a way as to provide a paradigm rather different from the Hebridean people themselves might have understood or recognised[ix] ”

Carmichael’s perception on the hymns and prayers he has collected cannot just be solely exampled due to his “editorial” methods but also of his ignorance of the religious practices of the Gaelic communities J. MacInnes points out that neither Carmichael nor his predecessor; James Carmichael-Watson was acquainted enough with catholic devotional literature to recognise that the material they collected where simply Gaelic versions of catholic hymns[x] . However, Carmichael does try to provide a neutral subjectivity to the hymns and prayers he had collected in his introduction of the Carmina: 

“Although these compositions have been rescued chiefly among Roman Catholics and in the islands, they have been equally common among Protestants and on the mainland.[xi] ” 

His reasoning for this neutral attitude towards the “spiritual Celt” was due to Scotland’s divide in faith across the country in which many parts were still predominantly Protestant. His pursuit to not only use the Carmina as a foundation to justify the conception of an existing practice of ‘Celtic Christianity’ in the Hebrides, but he also presented a Christian-based spirituality which embraced both Catholicism and Protestantism to persuade non-Gaelic lowlanders to the Celtic revival, and by using the Hymns and prayers as an example to sway them away from the negative stigma of the highlander, tainted by their lowland brethren[xii] . 

Although even today the ideology of ‘Celtic Christianity’ highly attractive by “Celtictist” but is essentially a largely superficial concept. Donald E. Meek describes the function of modern ‘Celtic Christianity’ as: 

“largely by keeping a close conceptual link with the “Celtic Fringe” and by presenting the ‘Fringe’ as a single cultural construct, functioning according to a primitivist model in which the inhabitants are perceived to have had (and in some cases to retain) values which are now lost to the society of the observer”[xiii].

The idea of a singular cultural construct of “Celtic” religion was just what Carmichael has trying to portray in the Carmina and despise new approaches regarding Celtic studies, this construct has been enthused further by other collectors and folklorist preceding Carmichael. The Irish scholar, Eleanor Hull was so inspired by Carmichael’s idea of the “spirituality of the Gaels” compiled material from both Alexander Carmichael and Douglas Hyde in her book; ‘The Poem-Book of the Gael’ which contributed to the idea of ‘Celtic Christianity[xiv] . 

However, it was from the early 1960s that the revival of ‘Celtic Christianity’ began by Anthologisers who were reprocessing material of Carmina such as Adam Bittleston who published in his book titled The sun dances: prayers and blessings of the Gaels[xv] . Bittleston’s anthology moved the Carmina from the fringe of folklore to the center of ‘Celtic Christianity’. Others such a G.R.D. MacLean’s Poems of the Western Highlanders (1960) continued this trend[xvi]. 

Today, the ‘Celtic Christianity’ seems to no longer sit on the minds of scholars within Celtic Studies but now lay in the hands of contemporary spirituality, new agers, and especially through the neo-pagan movement which has either recycled or paganised the material to suit their own spiritual agenda. Such authors come to mind as Esther de Waal (‘The Celtic Vision: prayers, Blessings, and Invocations from the Gaelic Tradition’, 2001), Kathleen Jones (‘Songs of the Isles’, 2003) or Ellen Evert Hopman (‘Scottish Herbs and Fairy lore’ 2011). 

Conclusion 

Alexander Carmichael, through his ‘Carmina Gadelica’ essentially turned the folk religious practices from Gaelic communities of Scotland into a “Celtic spirituality” which implied a faith widely practiced within Celtic nations (Scotland and Ireland), carrying with it remanences of Old Celtic monasteries of Iona and Derry which encouraged ideas popular of Celtic Revival during the 19th century. Much like James MacPherson’s deception of Celtic Literature through his Ossianic poems, Carmichael was doing the same with ‘Celtic Christianity’ with his Hebridean hymns and prayers. Furthermost, he was using a similar editorial practice as MacPherson did, altering and polishing up the Gaelic material from how they were originally told and collected. Hamish Henderson found the ‘Carmina’ as largely a fabrication and its “Incantations” as incomplete and concludes that Carmichael modified the original material, adding and shorting lines or complete passages.  

D.U. Stiùbhart explains that the prayers and incantations in the ‘Carmina’ were recited by the Gaelic people, who in times of great danger or disaster would find consolation in verses, and such folk practices were found in both Roman Catholic and Protestant communities and were far different from the “Celtic spirituality” conceptions shaped by Carmichael. It seems that these prayers, hymns, or incantations were a product of animistic beliefs, shared by many Hebridean communities who despise what Christian faith they practiced at that time. Furthermore, Donald E. Meek places the Hebridean practices as more a “folk religion” than that of ‘Celtic Christianity”! However, Carmichael’s efforts on producing a misleading corpus of “Celtic” material cannot simply be explained through the influence of Celtic Revival and Celtic admires but also, as J. MacInnes points out that his lack of knowledge of Gaelic versions of Catholic devotional literature is a factor in his classification of material as “Celtic”. 

Donald E. Meek, description of holding connection of the “Celtic Fringe” by presenting the “fringe” as a single cultural concept, has and still hold strong misconceptions of a “Celtic Faith” which the construct has been largely influenced by the ‘Carmina’ and enthused by others of a similar school of thought. Scholars of the early to mid-20th centuries such as Eleanor Hull, Adam Bittleston, and G.R.D. MacLean continued this “Celtic” trend and published works and ideas of their own based on the theology of the ‘Carmina’. Today this school of thought regarding ‘Celtic Christianity’ has since been discredited and no longer viewed the same with Celtic Studies. However, Carmichael’s concept has not entirely died out but is enthused in a different direction within modern contemporary spirituality, new age, and neo-paganism. Where the ‘Carmina’ has been recycled or paganised with a different agenda. 

References:

---

[i] D. U. Stiùbhart, ‘Life and Legacy’, p.84

[ii] Carmichael, ‘Introduction’, Pp. xxxix-xl

[iii] Carmichael, ‘Introduction’, p. xli

[iv] Meek, ‘The Quest’, p.65

[v] D. U. Stiùbhart, ‘Life and Legacy’, p.93

[vi] D. U. Stiùbhart, ‘Life and Legacy’, p.85

[vii] MacInnes, ‘Introduction’, p.484

[viii] D. U. Stiùbhart, ‘Life and Legacy’, p.83

[ix] D. U. Stiùbhart, ‘Life and Legacy’, p.83

[x] MacInnes, ‘Introduction’, p.486

[xi] Carmichael, ‘Introduction’, -p.xli

[xii] D. U. Stiùbhart, ‘Life and Legacy’, p.87

[xiii] MacInnes, ‘Introduction’, p.78

[xiv] Meek, ‘The Quest’, p.65

[xv] Meek, ‘The Quest’, p.67

[xvi] Meek, ‘The Quest’, p.72

Bibliography

A. Carmichael, ‘Introduction’, Carmina Gadelica, Volume 1. (Edinburgh, 1900). Available online: https://www.sacred-texts.com/neu/celt/cg1/cg1002.htm.  Accessed: 02/12/2020

J. MacInnes, ‘Introduction’, in Carmina Gadelica, ‘Dùthchas nan Gàidheal’ (ed. Michael Newton) (Edinburgh, 2006)

D. Meek, ‘From Hindustan to the Hebrides: The creation of contemporary ‘Celtic Christianity’, The Quest for Celtic Christianity (Edinburgh, 2000)

D. U. Stiùbhart (ed.), ‘Alexander Carmichael and ‘Celtic Christianity’’, The Life and Legacy of Alexander Carmichael (Port of Ness, 2008)

Ash William Mills

Edited: 30/12/2020

I decided that the first of my essays to be put on this blog would be the one I did about the ‘An Lia Fáil‘ or Stone of Destiny since this Christmas eve past has marked the 70^th anniversary of its Liberation or its capture from Westminster Abbey [1], its 25^th anniversary of its relocation to Edinburgh Castle and has been over 700 years since Edward I took it from Scotland. It has also been officially been confirmed this year of its re-location to its ancestral home of Perthshire where it will be housed the soon-to-be refurbished Perth City Hall museum [2]. This essay I wrote for the University of Edinburgh earlier this year, displays in two Gaelic poems of the 21^st century the Stone’s involvement in Scottish history and politics which it once represented Scotland’s ancient royalty is now a symbol for Scottish Nationalism and even independence.

[1] https://www.thecourier.co.uk/fp/nostalgia/from-the-archives/1787812/stone-of-destiny-70th-anniversary-of-liberation-from-westminster-abbey-renews-calls-for-its-return-to-perth/

[2] https://www.gov.scot/news/the-stone-of-destiny/

 

08/04/2020

Events of the past are told by those who have witnessed first-hand during that period, these documented usually by written accounts or sometimes they are often celebrated or lamented in songs and poetry. A song or poem can be valuable in the anthology as they reflect the social and cultural context of the period in which they were composed. Many cultures around the world, in this case, Gaelic society; a lyrical artist or ‘Bard’ are held with great respect by their community, for they marked important historical events in a form of song or poetry which were often performed and remembered by others at social gatherings or ‘ceilidh houses’. The two Gaelic songs; ‘Òran na cloiche’ (1953) and ‘A’ Chlach Ionmhainn’(1996) capture two important events in time regarding the Stone of Destiney; its return by four Glaswegian students in 1950 and its official return to the ancestral home of Scotland in 1996. The stone of Destiny has long been an ancient symbol of Scottish nationhood by many people within Scotland, despise its absence since its capture by Edward I in 1296. Although both events were influenced by Political agendas, I will use these two Gaelic songs as an example in this essay, to explore the cultural significance of the Stone of Destiny (la fail) by the Gaelic-speaking communities, and touch on why some native Gaelic speakers were in support of the Scottish Nationalist movement of Home rule displayed by their context. 

Òran na Cloiche  (Song of the Stone)

The poem; Òran na cloiche (The song of the Stone) was written by Donald MacIntyre (Dòmhnall Mac an t-Saoir), also known as the Paisley Bard, celebrates the return of the Stone of Destiny to Scotland, which Macintyre had written the 20 verse poem in a single sitting immediately upon hearing the news of the stone’s return[i] . It was first published in the spring issue of the Gairm in 1953 which the editorial commented that it was the first “shocking” poem to be published in the magazine[ii]. Ironically, it was the same year in which the stone had been already returned to Westminster Abbey in time for the coronation of our present queen. The launch of Cairm in 1952 by Derick Thomas and Finlay J. MacDonald was the first major step in Gaelic publishing which became the seedbed of a new Gaelic literary revival that enabled successful writers to develop their skills and contribute to the growing demand for modern Gaelic literature[iii]. Òran na cloiche refers to the events that took place on Christmas day of 1950 when four Glasgow students broke into Westminster Abbey and took the Stone of Destiny (also known as; Stone of Scone) from the coronation chair as a protest in support of the nationalist movement. The four students; Ian Hamilton, Gavin Vernon, Kay Matheson and Alan Stuart were all supporters of Scottish nationalism and members of the Scottish National Covenant, a petition ran by John MacCormick and his supporters which individuals would sign to demonstrate their support for a Scottish Parliament. The student’s actions of 1950 were a result of Covenant’s campaign for Home Rule was largely ignored by the labour government at that time, despise being hugely successful in generating signatures of approximately two million estimated[iv]. However, the Stone of Destiny was the Nationalist symbol of England’s attitude towards Scotland and since its disappearance from Westminster Abbey, the events generated not only major publicity for the Scottish Nationalist movement but also demonstrated a major interest in Scottish Nationalism during the early 1950’s[v].

During the time Macintyre’s poem was composed, it was an era known as “Gaeldom’s barren years” (1920-1965) for Scotland which saw a massive decline of native speakers in Gaidhealtachd areas due to increasing pressures for anglicisation in business and education, and Gaelic went untaught in Scotland until the late 1950’s[vi]. The Gaelic language also received very little political support from government Parties for the improvement of Gaelic in Scotland, other than the early SNP leadership of Roland Muir and John MacCormick who made positive public support for protecting Gaelic interests[vii]. So, it wasn’t surprising that native Gaelic speakers like Kay Matheson and Donald Macintyre were in support of the nationalist movement if it was the only political parties who had even a little support for the protection of their language and culture. Somerled Macmillan who obtained most of Macintyre’s poetry after his death, commented in his book; ‘Sporan Dhòmhnaill – Gaelic Poems and Songs by the late Donald Macintyre, the Paisley Bard (1968) that although he was not directly with the Scottish National Party he did indeed not doubt a nationalist at heart[viii]. 

This was apparent in both his songs; ‘Òran na cloiche’ and ‘Nuair chaidh a’ chlach a Thilleadh’ which praises the people, whom he refers to as “warriors” or “heroes” in both songs for their involvement regarding the Stone of Destiny; “‘S mo bheannachd air a’ mhìlidh A tharraing ás a’ chill I/And my blessing on the warrior, who dragged it from the churchyard[ix]” and wishes for the safety for the those responsible and they are not prosecuted for their efforts: “Mionnan air fear deàrnaidh, Gach màthair is mac, Nach leig sinn ann an gàbhadh/ Let each wellwisher swear, every mother and son, That we don’t put them in danger[x]”. Even when the stone was found and was returned to England, in his second poem; ‘Nuair chaidh a’ chlach a Thilleadh’ (When the stone was returned) which expressed his disgust, he still sympathises with the four Glasgow Students, and does not blame them for them giving up the stone to the authorities and was returned to England: 

 Na sinn a chaidh ga h-eadraiginn, 

Cha d’rinn iad ach an dleastanas,

‘S bidh alladh oirbh am-feasta, 

Nach do theasraig sibh fo’r sgéith iad

The heroes that released it,

They only did their duty,

And it will always be remembered 

How you failed to protect them.[xi]

Although his interest in the Stone of destiny was not only for the sovereignty of Scotland but its ancient religious significance and kingship which is greatly regarded within Gaelic culture which in verses 4-4 of the song Macintyre denotes the stone’s sacred association with the medieval Gaelic kings of Scottish rule such as Colla Uais, Olla Ruadh and Duanach mac Erc and the religious myth of it being Jacob’s Pillow[xii]. For the nationalist, the Stone of destiny was a symbol of Scotland’s sovereignty but in the Gaidhealtachd it was a symbol of their ancient kingship and its associations with Celtic Christianity since royal leadership of Dál Riad kingship. According to common legend shared amongst many Gaelic communities, the Stone of Scone (la fàil) was a sacred relic which was originally was the stone that Jacob (Genesis 28:12) slept upon and received a vision of the angels of God[xiii] and was bough to Ireland from Spain by Iber the Phoenician, which the stone as later bought to Scotland and place it in Argyll by the great Fergus, son of Ferchard, until finally being removed and fixed in a royal chair in Scone by King Kenneth MacAlpine which all kings of Scotland were inaugurated. However, Edward I, of England took hold of the stone and bought it back to Westminster Abbey for the coronation of English Kings[xiv].

This song was popularised by Donald Joseph Mackinnon where he performed many of Macintyre’s songs at Ceilidhs and on radio, which Òran na cloiche was quite the favorite to be performed[xv]. Unfortunately, his accompanying lament; “Nuair Chaidh a’ Chlach a Thilleadh” was never performed by any other Gaelic artist. 

Abridged versions of Òran na cloiche has since been performed by popular modern Gaelic artists such as; Mairi MacInnes (Orosay, 2001), Kathleen MacInnes (Òg-Mhadainn Shamhraidh, 2006), and the Gaelic band; Mànran (Latha Math, 2011). 

A’ Chlach Ionmhainn (The Dear Stone)

The poem: ‘A’ Chlach Ionmhainn’ (The Dear Stone) was composed by Neil B MacKinnon (Niall B MacFhionghuin) in celebration of the Stone of Destiny returned to Scotland in 1996, where it sits today in the Crown Room in Edinburgh castle. MacKinnon began writing Gaelic poetry in 1966 after graduating with Honours in Celtic Studies from Aberdeen University where he became a teacher and independent researcher, most of which his poetry was published in Gairm[xvi]. ‘A’ Chlach Ionmhainn’ was published in The Scotsman, 26th July 1996 in celebration of the upcoming events of the Stone’s return to Scotland. A version of the poem, entitled ‘Clach Sgàin’ (Stone of Scone) appeared in The Scots Independent in August 1996[xvii]. In his poem, not only does he celebrate “joyous news” of the Stones return but hopes that it results in Scotland having devolution and independence once again:

 “Gun till thu dhachaigh a-nis sàbhailte 

Gum faod féin-riaghladh a bhith again,

a-chum ‘s gum bi ar tír neo-eisimeil;” 

“Now may you return home safely

That we may govern ourselves once more,

That our land be independent;[xviii]”

Soon enough, although Scotland didn’t become an independent country, Scottish devolution was accomplished a few years after the publication of his poem, and the Stone of Destiny was returned to Scotland. 

The decision of the Stone of Destiny to be given into the hand of the Scottish nation was the efforts of the last Conservative Secretary of state for Scotland; Michael Forsyth and its unexpected announcement by the Prime Minister at that time; John Major in July 1996. Although, both Forsyth and Major insisted this was not a political gesture towards Scottish Nationalism and was simply showing to an example that Britain’s “distinct and proud nations can celebrate unity and diversity” hinted the fact that there were devolution battles ahead[xix]. Although Forsyth furthermore insisted that the decision was made by the queen, others felt it was a gesture made by the Tories to re-establish a different kind of Scottish nationhood, one still without an Edinburgh parliament and tax-raising powers[xx]. It was clear that the gesture of re-housing the stone in Scotland was Forsyth’s vain attempts to stave off demands for home rule in Scotland[xxi] . 

The Stone of Scone was returned on Scotland’s national day (St. Andrews day) on the 30th November 1996, with great ceremony and celebration has it was bought in its ‘Stonemobile’ from Holyrood Palace to its new resting place of Edinburgh castle which prince Andrew the earl of Inverness officially handed over the stone to the commissioners of the Regalia and Michael Forsyth, on the promise the stone would be returned to Westminster Abbey when required (Future coronations). The four people responsible for taking the stone in 1950, other than Ian Hamilton who refused to attend, were invited to be present in the stone being laid in Edinburgh Castle[xxii]. Today there is an argument whether it should be returned to its “ancestral home” of Perth, to be housed in the new museum of the former Perth City Hall, expected to be opened in 2022[xxiii]. Perhaps, if the stone is to be re-housed again then maybe we might expect another great Gaelic poem or song to celebrate the event! 

Conclusion: 

The stone of destiny was the perfect symbol used by the Scottish Nationalist movement during the 20th century because not only was it an ancient symbol of Scottish Nationhood for their campaigns for Home Rule in Scotland, but it also represented England’s attitude towards Scotland since the 13th century. To the Scottish nationalist, the Stone of Destiny became a symbol of sovereignty to their cause, but to the Gaelic communities, it represented a sacred relic of religious significance and the Ancient kingship of Scotland (Alba) which had its long connections Gaelic language and culture. The song ‘Òran na cloiche’ displays this connection quite clearly within its lyrics, detailing the royal leaders of the Dál Riad and its associations with the Christian mythology of Jacob’s Pillow. It also was quite clear that, although in Donald MacIntyre’s song the sacred significance of the stone goes beyond the political symbols of Scottish nationalism, his praise for those who took the stone from Westminster Abbey in the song displays strongly that he was a nationalist at heart. However, although the song ‘A’ Chlach Ionmhainn’ displayed similar sentiments as MacIntyre’s in celebrating the stone’s official return of the stone to Scotland in 1996, MacKinnon blatantly showed his support of Scottish Nationalism, in its lyrics such as “That we may govern ourselves once more, That our land is independent”. The reasoning for some Gaelic communities showing their support for Scottish Nationalism because during the 20th-century Gaelic language and culture experienced a massive decline and they received very little governmental or political support other than parties within the Nationalist movement such as the SNP or The Scottish National Covenant. Native speakers such as MacIntyre, Mackinnon, and even Kay Matheson herself, felt that the only chance for Gaelic language and culture to survive was by supporting the Nationalist movement or parties who made positive public support for protecting Gaelic interests. 

  [i] MacMillan, Somerled, Sporan Dhòmhnaill, p. 359

[ii] Mac-an-t-Saoir, Dòmhnall; ‘Oran na Cloiche’, Gairm, 3 (1953), Pp.62-3.

[iii] MacLeòid, Dòmhnall Iain; Dualchas, p.51

[iv] Lynch, Peter; SNP: The history of the Scottish National Party, Pp.77-8

[v] Lynch, Peter; SNP, Pp.78-9

[vi] McKee, Vincent; Gaelic Nations, p.22

[vii] McKee, Vincent; Gaelic Nations, Pp.23-4

[viii] MacMillan, Somerled, Sporan Dhòmhnaill, Introduction- p.xxvi

[ix] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, p.169

[x] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, p.171

[xi] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, p.179

[xii] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, p.169

[xiii] Gerber, Pat; Stone of Destiny, Pp.42-3

[xiv] Gerber, Pat; Stone of Destiny, p. 39

[xv] MacLeod, Donald John; Twentieth Century Gaelic literature, p.279

[xvi] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, p.790

[xvii] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, p.790

[xviii] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, Pp.504-5

[xix] White, Michael. “From the archive”

[xx] Welander, Richard, David J. Breeze & Thomas Owen Clancy; The Stone of Destiny, p.235

[xxi] Black, Ronald, An Tuil, p.790

[xxii] Gerber, Pat; Stone of Destiny, Pp.169-172

[xxiii] BBC. “Perth wants Stone of Destiny to return to ‘ancestral home’”.